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Hoare points out that while the Communist elections were a farce, they still played an important role in cementing goodwill and building enthusiasm for the Bosnian republic. These political gestures, however, could not overcome the deep ideological rift between the Communist party and conservative Muslims, who felt betrayed and disillusioned. His treatment of the Independent State of Croatia, the Ustasha regime, and the Bosnian Muslim Waffen SS unit are not as central to his narrative or as comprehensive as his treatment of the Partisans, and this may leave some readers thinking that Hoare lets Muslims off the hook for their participation in radical Right groups.
Other readers will disagree with the way that Hoare positions Nazis as defenders of greater Serbiandom.
To those tempted to reduce this volume to a few contentious questions, I urge you to consider a few broader historiographical interventions, which I believe are useful for rethinking the way that scholars study World War II Yugoslavia. In challenging the idea that the Yugoslav Partisans were a cohesive unit, Hoare calls on readers to stop thinking about individuals as being Chetniks, Partisans, and Ustashas, labels that he sees as meaningless in defining local-level motives.
Instead, he demands that readers consider the political, economic, and local motives behind coalition building. Finally, by studying the wartime movements alongside the postwar order, Hoare challenges the prevalent recognition of the early Communist state as a blank slate, and also encourages a different periodization of Yugoslav history.
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Twitter Facebook E-mail Share Comments. A street seller holds an ethnic distribution map of Bosnia-Herzegovina in March A Bosnian special forces soldier returns fire on April 6, in downtown Sarajevo as he and civilians come under fire from Serbian snipers.
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Twin towers in downtown Sarajevo burning in June A mass grave at Tomasica, in the Prijedor municipality. Images and footage of Fikret Alic, pictured here, called attention to what was happening in camps in Bosnia.
Men were separated from women and children after they fled Srebrenica. Edited by Tom Blanton and Emily Willard. National Geospatial Intelligence Agency. By submitting comments here, you are consenting to these rules: Readers' comments that include profanity, obscenity, personal attacks, harassment, or are defamatory, sexist, racist, violate a third party's right to privacy, or are otherwise inappropriate, will be removed.